NPP

  • FALSE! Mining lease of Akonta Mining Ltd was issued under NPP, not NDC

    Claim: Dennis Miracle Aboagye, the Spokesperson of Ghana’s governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) 2024 Campaign, says Akonta Mining Ltd, a company owned by the party’s Ashanti regional chairman, Bernard Antwi Boasiako, was licensed to mine in 2013 under the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC).

    Verdict: False. DUBAWA’s investigations showed that Akonta Mining Limited was not licensed to mine in 2013, as Mr Aboagye alleged. The Minerals Commission’s data revealed that the small-scale mining company was issued the Reconnaissance License and Prospecting License on June 15, 2011, and Dec. 31, 2012, respectively. However, under the ruling NPP, the company’s two mining leases, Samreboi and Abokoase, were issued on July 23, 2021.

    Full Text

    The destruction of water bodies and forest reserves in Ghana has become a significant topic in the media. Professional groups, including the Ghana Medical Association (GMA), have called on President Nana Akufo-Addo to conduct a nationwide moratorium on mining activities.

    See media reports on the calls for a ban on small-scale mining here, here, and here.

    Akonta Mining Ltd, a small-scale operation owned by the governing New Patriotic Party (NPP)’ Ashanti regional chairman, Bernard Antwi Boasiako, popularly known as Chairman Wontumi, was recently accused of illegal mining in a forest reserve.

    Reacting to the claim on Accra-based Joy News, Dennis Miracle Aboagye, the Spokesperson of NPP’s 2024 Campaign, said there is no evidence that the small-scale mining company is carrying out an illegal operation as alleged.

    “Akonta Mining [Ltd] is a licensed small-scale mining. Since when did small-scale mining become illegal? So, the fact that somebody owns a mining concession does not make it illegal…what the license does is that once you are regulated to mine a safe and appropriate way that does not affect our environment,” Mr Aboagye said.

    The former Akuapem North District Chief Executive (DCE) said Akonta Mining Limited was licensed to mine in 2013 under the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) and not the NPP.

    “Unless you have contrary evidence to prove that Akonta mining [is engaging in illegal mining] …Because Akonta Mining didn’t get their license [under] the NPP. They got their license in 2013 under the NDC government and are doing their small-scale mining,” he said.

    See minutes 4:49 to 5:56 of the video for Mr Aboagye’s comment on the operation of Akonta Mining Limited.

    Also, see here a post on the video on X (formerly Twitter).

    The social media platform revealed that as of Sept. 24, 2024, the video shared by Accra-based Joy News had received over 1,277 views within five days.

    The post on X also received over 12,223 views, 79 reposts, 269 likes, 78 bookmarks, and 17 comments.

    DUBAWA decided to probe the claim as part of its campaign against misinformation and disinformation in Ghana.

    Verification

    DUBAWA’s investigations showed that Akonta Mining Ltd was not licensed to mine in 2013 under the opposition National Democratic Congress, as Mr Aboagye alleged.

    The Minerals Commission’s data revealed that the small-scale mining company was issued the Reconnaissance License and Prospecting License on June 15, 2011, and Dec. 31, 2012, respectively.

    There are various mineral rights and license regimes in Ghana, including Reconnaissance Licence (RL), Prospective License (PL), Mining Lease (ML), Restricted Mining Lease (RML), and Small-scale Mining License (for only Ghanaians).

    Of the mineral rights and license types, the Reconnaissance License and Prospective License do not involve the extraction of minerals in the country.

    Ghana’s mining law has disclosed that the reconnaissance license permits the holder to explore for a maximum of 12 months, renewable. However, this license does not involve drilling and excavation activities.

    Also, the Prospective License permits the holder to search for minerals and undertake evaluation activities that do not exceed 750 contiguous blocs within three years. It is renewable with a reduction of the area to not more than half.

    The mining lease and other mineral rights permit the holder to extract minerals from the designated land.

    Touching on Akonta Mining Ltd’s activities, the Minerals Commission noted that the company’s two mining leases, Samreboi and Abokoase, were issued on July 23, 2021, not 2013.

    A screenshot of the Minerals Commission’s statement on Akonta Mining Ltd.
    A screenshot of the Minerals Commission’s statement on Akonta Mining Ltd.

    According to the license type granted to Akonta Mining Ltd. in 2011 and 2012 under the erstwhile NDC government, the company had no right to carry out extractive activities in the country.

    DUBAWA’s visit to the Ghana Mining Repository managed by the Minerals Commission disclosed that Akonta Mining Ltd applied for a mining lease to mine in Samreboe on April 13, 2021, approved within three months on July 23, 2021.

    A screenshot of Akonta Mining Ltd’s Samreboe mining lease.
    A screenshot of Akonta Mining Ltd’s Samreboe mining lease.

    The Minerals Commission has shown that the mining lease on Samreboe will expire on July 22, 2051, and that of Abokoase will expire on July 22, 2031.

    Conclusion

    Akonta Mining Ltd, a company owned by NPP’s Ashanti regional chairman, Bernard Antwi Boasiako, popularly known as Chairman Wontumi, was not licensed to mine in 2013, as Mr. Aboagye alleged.

  • False, NPP did not swap its ballot position with a different candidate

    Claim: Social media users have alleged that the New Patriotic Party’s (NPP) Director of Elections manipulated the party’s ballot position during the presidential election balloting process.

    Did Mahama accuse Akufo-Addo of ethnic bias over Dam spillage?

    Verdict: False. DUBAWA’s analysis revealed that at the time the NPP knew its ballot position, other candidates sitting close to the NPP had not yet opened their ball-like items containing their positions. Additionally, the paper in front of Peter Mac Manu, Head of Electoral Services for Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s campaign team, was not the official ballot position paper but rather a paper from an earlier balloting that determined the order in which political parties would select their positions. Furthermore, key political parties, including the National Democratic Congress (NDC), have denied any claims of a ballot position swap.

    Full Text 

    In the lead-up to the general elections, the Electoral Commission (EC) has faced intense scrutiny, with the National Democratic Congress (NDC) raising multiple accusations of alleged irregularities in the voter registration process. Despite this, on Sep. 20, 2024, political parties participated in the balloting process to determine their positions on the ballot paper for the upcoming elections. By the end of the process, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) secured the first spot, while the NDC took the eighth.

    However, following the balloting, a claim went viral suggesting that the NPP had swapped its ballot position with another candidate. The claim was supported by a video showing Evans Nimako, the NPP’s Director of Research and Elections, handing a piece of paper to someone seated next to him. This action led Facebook user Alfred Ogbamey to claim that a ballot swap had occurred, questioning the integrity of the EC by stating, “Why can’t one blindly trust anything organized by the EC without monitoring?”

    The claim was further amplified when NDC Online and Gyabeng Samuel posted about it on Facebook, which has received over 100,000 views. This has sparked widespread condemnation in the comments section, with users labeling the EC and the NPP as corrupt. 

    In response to these allegations, DUBAWA launched an investigation to verify the authenticity of the claim.

    Verification

    First, DUBAWA sought to understand the procedures involved in the ballot-picking process to assess whether any swapping could have occurred. Before the balloting by the various political parties, the Director of Electoral Services at the Electoral Commission (EC), Benjamin Bano-Bioh, outlined a two-stage process. DUBAWA referenced the live feed by Weozor TV, which captured the entire event as published on YouTube.

    According to Benjamin Bano-Bioh, the first stage determined the order in which political parties would select their ballot positions, while the second stage was where they officially picked their positions for the election. Mr. Bano-Bioh explained, “This is the first stage. You are picking for the order. The second stage is when you will pick your position on the ballot. If you pick ‘Number One’ in the first stage, it means you will be the first to choose in the second stage. The number you pick in this stage will be your position on the ballot.” This statement can be verified between 45 minutes 13 seconds and 45 minutes 30 seconds of the video.

    The process was carried out smoothly, with each party receiving a number that determined the order for the final ballot position selection. In the second stage, the ballot papers were placed in a green polythene bag, and parties chose their positions according to the order established in the first stage. This can be seen from 1 hour 46 minutes onward in the video.

    Did the NPP swap its ballot position? 

    DUBAWA first analyzed the viral video that allegedly showed the NPP swapping its ballot position. To gain a clearer perspective, DUBAWA referred to the full live stream of the event, which was captured by Woezor TV. According to the footage, the NPP’s Director of Elections, Dr. Evans Nimako, opened the round ball-like item containing the paper with the party’s ballot position at 1 hour 49 minutes 20 seconds into the live stream.

    After revealing the position, Dr. Nimako immediately passed the paper to the Head of Electoral Services for Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s campaign team Peter Mac Manu, who was seated right beside him. Upon receiving it, Mac Manu smiled, and Dr. Nimako stood up, jubilantly holding a book celebrating that the NPP had secured the Number 1 spot on the ballot. This moment matched the exact scenario depicted in the viral video published by Facebook user Alfred Ogbamey, though the angle from behind made it hard to discern the details.

    There were additional claims that the NPP swapped positions with Kofi Akpaloo, the flagbearer of the LPG, who was seated next to Peter Mac Manu. However, DUBAWA’s analysis of the video showed that when Dr. Nimako opened the NPP’s ballot item, Kofi Akpaloo had just taken his seat and had not yet opened his ballot item. This evidence confirmed that no swap occurred between the NPP and any other candidate.

    Reaction from NDC

    It is also important to note that if any such swap had occurred, the NDC would have opposed it and demanded an investigation. However, in response, the NDC’s Director of Elections, Dr. Omane Boamah, refuted the allegations in a Facebook post on Saturday, September 21. He acknowledged the party’s issues with the Electoral Commission but emphasized that they would not engage in baseless accusations for political gain. 

    “There was no swap of ballots between Kofi Akpaloo and the NPP,” he confirmed.

    Conclusion 

    The claim that the New Patriotic Party (NPP) swapped its ballot position during the presidential election balloting process is false. DUBAWA’s investigation revealed that at the time the NPP discovered its position, other candidates, including Kofi Akpaloo of the LPG, had not yet opened their ballot items. Furthermore, the paper seen in front of Peter Mac Manu, a member of the NPP team, was from an earlier round determining the order of selection, not the final ballot position. Key political parties, including the National Democratic Congress (NDC), have also denied the allegations of any ballot position swapping.

  • Explainer: Did NPP sack party members over Alan’s endorsement?

    Four prominent figures within the NPP, including Yaw Buaben Asamoa, former Director of Communication; Nana Ohene Ntow, former NPP General Secretary; Hopeson Adorye, former member of the pro-NPP group Young Patriots; and Boniface Abubakar Saddique, former Minister of State at the office of the Vice President, and Dr Mahamudu Bawumia, are no longer members of the New Patriotic Party (NPP). 

    However, the circumstances surrounding their departure remain contentious, with conflicting news headlines suggesting either dismissal or forfeiture of their membership from portals such as myjoyonline and Pulse Ghana, among others

    While some reports assert that the quartet was expelled from the party, the NPP contends that their actions automatically led to the forfeiture of their membership, as indicated in the constitution. In light of this, DUBAWA sought to bring clarity to the matter.

    Drawing on the definitions provided by the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, ‘sacking’ is described as an act of dismissal from an entity, whereas ‘forfeit’ denotes losing the right to something, especially as a consequence of an error, offence, or crime.

    Why did the NPP release a statement on the quartet?

    On Nov. 20, 2023, the NPP issued a statement officially declaring that Yaw Buaben Asamoa, Nana Ohene Ntow, Hopeson Adorye, and Boniface Abubakar Saddique are no longer affiliated with the party. 

    The party attributes this decision to the quartet’s public endorsement of independent presidential aspirant Alan Kyeremanteng when the party duly elected a flagbearer in the person of Dr Mahamudu Bawumia. The statement, endorsed by General Secretary Justin Kodua Frimpong, cites the violation of the party’s constitution, specifically referring to breaches of Articles 3(5) (A)(4) and 3(8)(1). These endorsements by some of these quartet were reported in news sources such as Metro TV and 3news.com.

    Source: NPP

    What does the NPP constitution say about expulsion and forfeiture of a member?

    The party’s constitution outlines two provisions regarding the termination of party membership. Article 3(7)1 and 3(8)1 specify the conditions under which an individual automatically forfeits membership or may face expulsion from the party.

    Article 3(7)1, titled “Expulsion of Membership,” defines the process for expulsion and states that:

    1. A Member may be expelled from the Party on grounds of misconduct by the provisions of this Constitution and, upon such expulsion, shall cease to be a Member.

    2. Any person who, accordingly, ceases to be a member shall return to the Party any party property in his or her custody and shall forfeit any monies, dues, or donations made to the Party.

    3. No Member shall be expelled unless such expulsion is effected in accordance with the provisions of Article 4 of this Constitution.

    With this provision, it is specified that “No member shall be expelled unless such expulsion is carried out by the provisions of Article 4 of this Constitution.” Article 4 of the constitution outlines the disciplinary and grievance procedures. Therefore, it implies that no member can be expelled from the party unless they undergo the disciplinary procedures outlined in its constitution.

    Article 3(8)1 of the constitution is captioned “Forfeiture of Membership” and indicates that:

    “A member of the Party who stands as an independent candidate against the officially elected member of the Party or who joins or declares his or her support for another Political Party or for an independent candidate when the Party has sponsored a candidate in general or by-election automatically forfeits his or her membership of the Party.”

    Now, considering these two articles in the constitution, this explanation aims to determine whether the quartet underwent disciplinary procedures resulting in their expulsion or if their open endorsement of the independent candidate Alan Kyeremanteng, instead of the party’s flagbearer, Dr Mahamudu Bawumia, automatically led to the forfeiture of their party membership.

    DUBAWA contacted the Deputy Secretary of the New Patriotic Party, Haruna Mohammed, to seek clarity on the issue. In an interview (here), Mr Mohammed clarified that the quartet were not expelled from the party; rather, their open endorsement of the Independent presidential aspirant, Alan Kyeremanteng, led to their automatic forfeiture of membership, as stipulated in Article 3(8)1.

    This is underscored by Yaw Buaben Asamoa’s statement, where he described the announcement of their forfeiture of NPP membership as unnecessary, indicating his awareness of the automatic forfeiture of his membership after he openly endorsed independent candidate Alan Kyeremanteng. This strongly suggests that he wasn’t expelled but, rather, was cognizant that his actions automatically resulted in the forfeiture of his membership.

    Mr Mohammed reiterated that there was no requirement for them to be referred to the party’s disciplinary committee because violating Article 3(8)1 automatically led to the forfeiture of their membership.

    Conclusion

    This clarification shows that the NPP did not expel Yaw Buaben Asamoa, Nana Ohene Ntow, Hopeson Adorye, and Boniface Abubakar Saddique from the party. Instead, their public endorsement of Independent Presidential aspirant Alan Kyeremanteng automatically led to the forfeiture of their membership in the party.

  • Asiedu Nketia’s claim NDC performed better in agriculture than NPP, false

    Claim: The National Chairman of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Johnson Asiedu Nketia, has claimed that the performance in agriculture during Fmr. President John Mahama’s tenure in government was better than that of the NPP government. 

    Verdict: False.DUBAWA used data from the Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) to calculate the average growth rate between the tenure of the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress. The average growth rate of the NPP was 6.32%, whilst the NDC was 2.54%. This showed that the NPP administration recorded far higher agricultural growth rates than the administration of  former president John Mahama.

    Full Text

    On March 13, 2023, Johnson Asiedu Nketia, the National Chairman of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), appeared on TV3’s Hot Issues with broadcast journalist Keminni Amanor.

    During the show, Mr Nketia claimed, “In the past, our performance in agriculture was far stronger than what we are seeing now.” This statement can be found within the timeframe from 13:40 to 13:46 of the show. He made this comment in response to a question posed by the host regarding the achievements of the NDC government under John Mahama.

    Despite the host characterising his claim as false, Mr Nketiah maintained his stance, asserting that the agricultural performance during the NDC era surpassed that of the NPP. Consequently, DUBAWA took the initiative to provide clarity on the matter.

    Verification

    The upcoming 2024 general elections are poised to be significantly influenced by the state of the economy. Consequently, highlighting the economic performances of political parties and voicing their impact on voters is crucial. Agriculture, as a key contributor to economic growth, will hold particular importance in these discussions. Therefore, the growth rate in the agricultural sector will be one of the focal points during the debates.

    To provide a comprehensive understanding of the claim, DUBAWA undertook a comparative analysis of the agricultural growth rates between the New Patriotic Party (NPP) under the leadership of President Akufo-Addo and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) under the supervision of former President John Mahama. This analysis focuses on the first five years of both parties, considering that John Mahama served as president from 2012 to 2016, while Nana Akufo-Addo’s first five years in office spanned from 2017 to 2021.

    DUBAWA sourced its data from the Ghana Statistical Service (GSS). In the NDC government, the growth rate for agriculture from 2012-2016 was 1.3%, 5.7%, 0.9, 2.1 and 2.7%, respectively. In contrast, the growth rate for agriculture during the first five years of the NPP was 6.2%, 4.9%, 4.7%, 7.3% and 8.5%, respectively.

    Source: GSS

    The growth rates for agriculture under the NDC government exhibited fluctuations, with some years experiencing moderate growth and others showing lower rates. In contrast, the NPP government, on the other hand, demonstrates a relatively consistent and increasing trend in agricultural growth rates over the first five years.

    DUBAWA decided to use the average growth rate during the five years to conclude which government performed better. In our calculation, by adding all the growth rates for a particular government and dividing it by five, we found that the average growth rate for the NDC within the five years was 2.54%, while the average growth rate for the NPP during the five years was 6.32%.

    Conclusion

    Analysing both figures, DUBAWA concluded that the NPP government performed far better under President Akufo-Addo than the NDC in the first five years of the presidency of  John Mahama..

  • NPP thugs who invaded UTV studios were not fined  ¢200

    Claim: NPP youth who disrupted a live program on UTV will pay a fine of ¢200, as suggested by social media and mainstream online platforms.

    Verdict: This is false. The 200 penalty units fine translates to ¢2,400 and not  ¢200.

    Full Text

    At least 16 members affiliated with the New Patriotic Party have been arrested, convicted, and fined 200 penalty units each by the Achimota Magistrate Court.

    This was after they were charged with conspiracy to commit a crime and rioting, following their invasion of UTV studios during a live broadcast. They pleaded guilty to the charges.

    Following a public statement by the police on the judgement, some social media users interpreted the 200 penalty units to mean ¢200.

    A news card from one of the country’s leading online news portals, Myjoyonline.com, which expresses the ¢200 fine has gone viral.

    Myjoyonline.com was found to have published a story to that effect but have since corrected it.

    Other users found to have interpreted the 200 penalty units to mean ¢200 can be found here, here, here, here, and here.

    Verification

    According to the Fines (Penalty Units) Act 200 (Act 572), fines are to be expressed in terms of a number of penalty units.

    Currently, the monetary value of a penalty unit stands at ¢12.00.

    So, the convicted youth will pay GHS 2,400 each (with 200 penalty units amounting to only ¢12.00).

    Conclusion

    The monetary value of the 200 penalty units fine slapped on the 16 convicted youths amounts to ¢2,400 and not ¢200 as expressed online.

  • 2022 budget rejected; what next for the government?

    Parliament for the first time in the fourth republic has voted to disapprove a national budget, the 2022 Budget Statement and Economic Policy.

    This follows a walkout staged by the majority caucus made up of members of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) on Friday, November 26, 2021, when the debate on the budget was to be concluded.

    The Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin ruled that proceedings continue despite the walkout, allowing the opposition MPs the louder voice to vote ‘No’ on the question of whether the budget should be approved.

    The majority caucus has renounced the decision and declared it void and non-binding.

    It believes that only 137 minority MPs voted on the budget, and that number does not meet the minimum number of 138 MPs needed to take a decision on the approval of a budget.

    “For the record, the acts of the Minority and the decision of the Speaker to endorse it, constitute an unconstitutionality and an illegality and should be disregarded, as same is void and of no effect whatsoever,” they said in a statement but this is being debated.

    What does it mean for the budget to be rejected?

    According to Article 179 of the 1992 Constitution and Section 22 of the Public Financial Management Act, 2016, (Act 921), parliament is the only arm of government with the power to approve a national budget and its appropriation.

    After receiving the budget from the Executive, it is expected to debate it and either approve or disapprove it.

    Approving it means that resource allocations to the various ministries, departments and agencies and all other expenditures, plans and activities of the government for the next financial year are cleared to go on.

    If the budget is rejected by parliament, there will be no appropriation and in effect, no government spending can be done for the financial year in question.

    Since parliament is the only arm of government with that power, the only remedy would be that the government (Executive), through the Minister of Finance, widely consult all the relevant parties and resubmit a revised policy statement taking into consideration the concerns of those unhappy with it.

    The Way forward

    The majority in parliament is expecting a reversal of the ruling and have threatened to go to court if parliament insists.

    A senior assistant clerk of the Parliament of Ghana, Dr Ernest Darfour says going to court can be considered but that could be the last resort since parliament has two major internal options for addressing such cases.

    “Two procedural remedies immediately come to mind. The first is to challenge the pronouncement of the Rt Hon. Speaker on the voice vote after the question had been put, which must be immediate. The second is to file a motion of rescission, praying the House to rescind its earlier decision. Persons can also seek the Court’s intervention as to the constitutionality of the process or the procedure adopted at arriving at a decision,” he said.

    The most appropriate time to trigger the first option is immediately after the Speaker’s declaration of which voice won.

    With that, any legislator can challenge it on two key bases, including the fact that the House did not form a quorum at the time of the vote.

    The second option “is to file a motion of rescission for the House to reconsider its decision to reject the Government’s Budget Statement and Economic Policy for the 2022 financial year. The motion of rescission can be introduced at any time with leave from the Speaker and the House upon a notice. After the motion has been admitted, a member would move the motion stating the defects in the procedure adopted in the earlier motion and why the House should reconsider and rescind its decision. The motion must be seconded. Debate on the new motion will ensue, after which the House will vote to either reject or approve the motion of rescission,” Dr Darfour explained.

    Meanwhile, the Parliamentary Service has announced that the Speaker of Parliament will leave the country on Saturday, November 27, 2021, for the United Arab Emirates for medical review. He returns to the country on Tuesday, December 14, 2021.  

  • Did Yaw Maafo declare support for Alan Kyerematen to lead NPP into 2024 polls?

    Claim: Social media users are quoting Yaw Osafo-Maafo, who is a leading member of the New Patriotic Party, as declaring support for Alan Kyerematen, the current Trade Minister, to lead the party into the 2024 polls.

    Mr. Osafo-Maafo has denied making such a statement. 

    Full Text

    A post being widely shared on various social media platforms including WhatsApp, Facebook and Twitter says that Mr. Yaw Osafo-Maafo has declared support for Trade Minister, Alan Kyerematen, to lead the New Patriotic Party into the 2024 elections.

    The quote, being attributed to Mr. Osafo-Maafo, noted that the New Patriotic Party is mainly supported by members of the Akan speaking community, hence the need for Alan Kyerematen to lead the party.

    A screenshot of the quote allegedly made by Mr. Osaafo-Maafo 

    Verification

    A search on Facebook using a portion of the quote does not lead to any written text by any user of the platform even though the circulating photo suggests that it has been posted on the social media platform.

    The results that come up on Facebook are only photos that capture the quote.

    Screenshot of the results that come up after searching for portions of the quote (Facebook)

    On Twitter, however, the quote has been typed and a photo of Mr. Osafo-Maafo, the same as used in the Facebook post, is attached.

    Interestingly, the posts found on Twitter and the ones that were posted on Facebook in photo format all committed the same punctuation and capitalization errors – raising a red flag.

    Some of the twitter posts can be found here, here, and here.

    Furthermore, these users have failed to indicate the source of the post, therefore, questioning its credibility.

    Also, no leading news portal in the country has published a story featuring Mr. Osafo-Maafo on the said matter.

    Mr. Osaafo-Maafo is a high-profile member of the New Patriotic Party and currently the Special Advisor to President Akufo-Addo.

    It raises questions that a person of such calibre will make a statement and it will be missed by leading news agencies in the country.

    Meanwhile, the Office of the Senior Presidential Advisor has issued a public statement denying the claim

    “With reference to the said circulation, we emphasise that Hon. Yaw Osafo-Maafo has never uttered such “irresponsible, misguided, tribalistic and ethnocentric” statements either in public or private directly or indirectly and has no cause to do so,” part of the disclaimer reads.

    Conclusion

    It is not true that Hon. Yaw Osafo-Maafo has declared support for Alan Kyerematen. The viral social media posts suggesting that he had done so are without an identifiable source, raising concerns about its credibility. 

    Moreover, Hon. Yaw Osafo-Maafo has denied the claims.

  • NDC, NPP win an equal number of parliamentary seats; what are the implications of a hung parliament?

    The 2020 elections will go down in history as one of the most keenly contested elections in the fourth republic.

    The 2008 elections in Ghana remains the most keenly contested elections in the history of the fourth republic, with the then opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) narrowly beating the then incumbent New Patriotic Party (NPP) by just a little over 40,000 votes in the second round of that election.

    But even in the 2008 elections, the NDC had a clear majority of seats in parliament – 116 seats as against the NPP’s 107 seats. There were four independent Members of Parliament, two People’s National Convention (PNC) MPs, and one Convention People’s Party (CPP) MP.

    In the 2020 general elections, even though the incumbent president, Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo-Addo, per the official results declared by the Electoral Commission, won by a margin of over 500,000 votes, he was unable to secure a majority in parliament.

    Both the NPP and the NDC won 137 seats each with one independent MP.

    The independent MP was a member of the NPP before his expulsion from the party prior to the elections.

    Andrews Amoako Asiama, who secured the mandate of the people of the Fomena constituency as an independent MP, has since expressed his desire to support the NPP side in parliament.

    Article 97 of the 1992 constitution of Ghana, however, bars him from rejoining the NPP.

    “An MP shall vacate his seat in parliament if he was elected a Member of Parliament as an independent and joins a political party,” the constitution states.

    This means the number of seats for the NPP cannot increase even if the Fomena MP decides to side with the NPP side.

    He would be able to vote or debate in favour of the NPP side in parliament but cannot join to give them a majority.

    This, therefore, means that Ghana is in for a hung parliament if the number of seats won by the two parties remains the same after the resolution of the disputes in some of the constituencies.

    Any implications of a hung parliament on parliamentary business?

    1.      Construction of the leadership of parliament?

    Article 95 (1) of the 1992 constitution provides for the election of a speaker of parliament.

    It states: “There shall be a speaker of Parliament who shall be elected by the members of parliament from among persons who are members of Parliament or who are qualified to be elected as members of parliament.”

    Article 96 (1) also provides for the election of two deputy speakers of Parliament. Paragraph (b) of Article 96 states that the two deputy speakers of Parliament shall not be members of the same political party.

    A private legal practitioner, Lawyer Terrence Ningneng told Dubawa in a telephone interview both sides can present candidates to be elected as speaker and deputy speakers, and the candidates who win simple majority become the speaker and deputy speaker.

    The side which fails to secure the first deputy speaker position automatically takes the second deputy speaker position.

     “The speaker, normally both sides will nominate but it’s just natural that all the time the majority always gets their way because if you nominate and you are on the minority side, there is no way because it’s a simple majority,” he explained.

     From this explanation, the candidates the NPP side presents are likely to win the speaker and first deputy speaker positions if the independent MP decides to vote in their favour.

     This may apply to other elected offices among the MPs in parliament.

     2.      Composition of committees of parliament

    A private legal practitioner, John Ndebugri who spoke to Dubawa in a telephone conversation believes the composition of the various committees will be one of the major challenges the 8th parliament will battle with.

    He explains how the committee members are constituted based on which party is the majority in the house.

    Using the current parliament and the number of MPs the NPP (169) and the NDC (106) have, he said the number of MPs on the NPP side (169), for example, is divided by the total number of MPs (275) and multiplied by 100 to get a percentage that will inform the percentage of Majority MPs who would be on a particular committee.

    The chairmen of the committees, with the exception of the Subsidiary Legislation and Public Accounts Committees, are appointed from the majority side.

    However, with the current situation where there is no majority side, the committees will have an equal number of representatives from both sides of the house.

    “It is going to be difficult to determine the leadership of these committees unless the two parties decide to compromise. One way of compromising is for the NPP to cede grounds and allow the NDC to also control some, if not all of the committees,” he suggested.

    He contends that there is bound to be serious problems relating to the passage of, especially controversial bills and agreements.

    Implications on government business

    Lawyer Ndebugri said if the situation remains as it is, the NDC can decide to make matters very difficult for the government by simply refusing to cooperate at the committee level.

    Article 78 (1) of the constitution stipulates that the president shall appoint the majority of ministers from among members of parliament.

    This, Lawyer Ndebugri believes, will have an effect since the ministers who are at the same time MPs may not always be available for committee meetings.

    “If the NDC wants to paralyze government business it’s just the matter of voting out every matter that comes before the committees,” he said.

    How will the government get the cooperation of the opposition?

    Lawyer Ndebugri said if the dispute over the election results is resolved and the status quo, the president-elect, Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo-Addo must extend the olive branch to the opposition.

    He also advised activists of the NPP to desist from using violent language against the opposition NDC and its candidate.

    “I think that if we are going to make some progress, people must pipe down and try extending the olive branch. There have to be compromises. Beyond compromises I don’t see that we can make much progress,” he stated.

    The reporter produced this article under the auspices of the Dubawa 2020 Fellowship in partnership with The Finder Newspaper to facilitate the ethos of “truth” in journalism and to enhance media literacy in the country.

  • True, NPP Is Offering Free Transportation to Voting Grounds for Their Supporters

    Claim: The New Patriotic Party is organising free transportation for supporters to vote across the country.

    True. Free transportation has been organised for NPP supporters to vote in various regions. Gary Kotei, a volunteer with the NPP and whose number is stated on the list, stated that the gesture is to ease movement of the party supporters. 

    Full Text:

    According to a publication on Yen.Gh, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) has organised free transportation for supporters to go to their various polling stations across the country to vote.

    Image Source: Yen.com

    Verification:

    Dubawa dialled some of the numbers indicated on the image and confirmed that indeed, the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) has organised free transportation for supporters.

    In a conversation with Gary Kotei, a volunteer with the NPP and whose number is stated on the list, he stated that the gesture is to ease movement of the party supporters. 

    “Basically, what we are doing here is helping people travel from region to region…If you are in Accra and going to vote in the Eastern region, we will help you out…come to Circle, Kokomlemle, Accra Technical Training School(ATTC). Ask for the NPP office. Buses are moving from now to tomorrow dawn”.

    Conclusion: 

    It is true that the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) has organised free buses for supporters to ease their movement to polling units.

  • Key Statistics from Elections In Ghana

    Dominant Political parties since the Fourth Republic

    On December 7th, 2016, Members of seventh Parliament were elected to office. The dissolution of the sixth Parliament took place on the eve of January 6th, 2017  followed by the ushering in of the seventh Parliament of January 7th, 2017.

    The predominant parties of representation in Ghana’s parliament have been the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC). Power has rotated between these two parties since the fourth republic commenced in 1992/3.

    Year1992199620002000 (RO)200420082008 (RO)20122016
    Political PartyNPP30.439.648.256.952.549.149.847.753.9
    NDC58.357.444.543.144.647.950.250.744.4
    Others11.337.32.93.01.61.7

    Source: Boakye (2018)

    Others, as indicated above, represent the other political parties that contested in the elections. See more here.

    In terms of political party representation in the present parliament, of the 275 MPs, 169 were members of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP), 106 belonged to the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC).

    Gender representation in the Ghanaian Parliament since 1992

    Gender representation in the present parliamentary seating is heavily skewed towards males with 240 males being elected to parliament and only 35 females. In comparison to previous years, female representation in parliament has steadily improved.

    Source: fesghana.org
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